導(dǎo) 言
正如帝國(guó)主義與新帝國(guó)主義二者有著相通之處，歷史性地產(chǎn)生進(jìn)而向全球蔓延的殖民主義與新殖民主義這兩大體系，也表現(xiàn)出一些基本的共性。當(dāng)然，既然“新殖民主義”和“新帝國(guó)主義”都帶有一個(gè)形容詞前綴“新”，使其與各自的傳統(tǒng)形式區(qū)別開(kāi)，那么前后之間還是存在著些許差異的。相同之處在于，無(wú)論是“新”是“舊”，它們都是各自特定歷史時(shí)期的產(chǎn)物，而且都涉及到一部分地區(qū)、國(guó)家和民族對(duì)另外一些地區(qū)、國(guó)家和民族的操控、統(tǒng)治與剝削。無(wú)論是哪一種形式，它們都是硬實(shí)力和軟實(shí)力在當(dāng)時(shí)特定歷史條件下以動(dòng)態(tài)變化的規(guī)則相融合而成（如今奧巴馬政府又提出一個(gè)新名詞“巧實(shí)力”，即硬實(shí)力和軟實(shí)力的“最優(yōu)”組合），其方式或直接或間接，其水平、結(jié)構(gòu)和具體表現(xiàn)多種多樣。
傳統(tǒng)的殖民主義和帝國(guó)主義更傾向于直接、有形的介入，通過(guò)從遠(yuǎn)距離和在東道國(guó)當(dāng)?shù)赝瑫r(shí)投放并輸送硬實(shí)力，攫取對(duì)境外領(lǐng)土的控制權(quán)，然后再進(jìn)行安撫、掌管和持續(xù)控制；至于對(duì)軟實(shí)力的采用，也有一些，但并不多。而新殖民主義和新帝國(guó)主義，通常來(lái)說(shuō)會(huì)選擇運(yùn)用更間接、更“柔性”的經(jīng)濟(jì)、政治、法律和文化等力量形式，從異地的遠(yuǎn)程基地投放之后，又經(jīng)由一些“依附性的”“被征服的”本土化機(jī)構(gòu)和精英們輸送轉(zhuǎn)換；同時(shí)，也在保證硬實(shí)力威懾（公開(kāi)的軍事行動(dòng)和隱蔽的幕后操控）時(shí)刻待命，若有必要亮出來(lái)的時(shí)候決不會(huì)手軟。
盡管世界范圍的交通、通訊成本日益降低，強(qiáng)國(guó)霸權(quán)還是更青睞于投射形式更輕柔、距離更遠(yuǎn)的軟實(shí)力（“天鵝絨手套”），勝過(guò)于更為直接化、本土化和公開(kāi)化的粗暴硬實(shí)力（“鐵拳”）。之所以如此，可不僅僅是由于霸權(quán)之手伸得過(guò)長(zhǎng)、維持海外基地和據(jù)點(diǎn)的成本過(guò)高，以至于在殖民主義和帝國(guó)主義統(tǒng)治中心的內(nèi)外不斷制造出財(cái)政危機(jī)及其它危機(jī)；原因還在于，在比較直接粗暴的硬實(shí)力的運(yùn)用之下，所造成的沖突會(huì)更加劍拔弩張、更加昭然若揭，其剝削性的真實(shí)本質(zhì)、霸權(quán)統(tǒng)治的真正贏家和輸家都一清二楚。鐵腕推行硬實(shí)力的舉動(dòng)，將會(huì)不可避免地對(duì)尚未參戰(zhàn)人員產(chǎn)生“副作用”——它往往更能激起而不是磨滅人們對(duì)侵略者的反抗。這與博得外圍國(guó)家“心悅誠(chéng)服”的戰(zhàn)略要求是不相符合的。
以國(guó)際教育為排頭兵的“軟實(shí)力”被日漸倚重，其中還有一個(gè)重要因素，那就是遏制、影響、“教化”和勸服攻勢(shì)的形式更為間接、隱蔽、潛在、柔和，而實(shí)現(xiàn)此類(lèi)任務(wù)的技術(shù)不斷地趨于復(fù)雜、難以察覺(jué)、效力更強(qiáng)——因?yàn)檫@類(lèi)攻勢(shì)使得那些被剝削者能更加直接甚至是“心甘情愿”地參與到對(duì)自身的剝削之中。正如壯烈犧牲的南非自由斗士、“黑人覺(jué)醒運(yùn)動(dòng)”領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人史蒂夫•比科（Steve Biko）所揭示的那樣：“壓迫者最有效的武器就是被壓迫者的意志。”歌德也曾說(shuō)過(guò)：“最無(wú)望的被奴役者莫過(guò)于那些誤以為自己擁有自由身之人。”
軟實(shí)力、硬實(shí)力以及應(yīng)用這兩種力量的核心在于教育，包括國(guó)際教育。教育提供了必要的技術(shù)手段和專(zhuān)家團(tuán)隊(duì)，用以發(fā)展軟硬實(shí)力的相關(guān)技術(shù)和將之推行于全球的最有效手段。教育設(shè)定了一個(gè)框架，決定著我們準(zhǔn)備利用自身感知力去發(fā)現(xiàn)什么（哪些是值得、哪些是不值得關(guān)注的主題），或進(jìn)而去思考什么。教育樹(shù)立了一些范式，而我們正是通過(guò)這些范式去運(yùn)用自己的感知力，決定著我們感官所收集到的信息中哪些要接受、哪些要摒棄，決定著我們樂(lè)于去接近、接受或抵觸什么樣的信息源、什么樣的“權(quán)威”。教育塑造了一些視角，約束著我們?nèi)绾慰创覀冏陨硪约八幍纳鐣?huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)、政治法律體系，相應(yīng)地如何看待他人和他們各自所處的體系。教育形成了我們的眼界，影響著我們認(rèn)為哪些是不可觸犯的神諭，哪些是不能涉足的禁區(qū)。教育鑄就了我們的歷史觀，引導(dǎo)著我們判斷本國(guó)歷史或別國(guó)歷史中哪些方面是值得關(guān)注與反思的。教育打造出我們的科學(xué)觀，規(guī)范著我們對(duì)于科學(xué)、科學(xué)方法及其應(yīng)當(dāng)如何運(yùn)作和應(yīng)用的觀念。教育在向我們灌輸，就我們現(xiàn)有體制的存在和擴(kuò)張而言，哪些是我們應(yīng)當(dāng)奉為圭臬的主流“文化”、價(jià)值和信條。教育左右了大眾消費(fèi)的偏好和品味，我們所選擇（或者說(shuō)是被引導(dǎo)甚或被誘使）消費(fèi)的內(nèi)容，既是在反映同時(shí)也在塑造著我們的主流價(jià)值，包括我們需要生產(chǎn)什么、怎樣生產(chǎn)、為誰(shuí)生產(chǎn)，生產(chǎn)和資源配置應(yīng)當(dāng)如何進(jìn)行。教育教導(dǎo)我們，對(duì)哪些詞匯應(yīng)當(dāng)深刻領(lǐng)會(huì)并嫻熟運(yùn)用，對(duì)哪些詞匯根本無(wú)須理會(huì)；教育還規(guī)定著詞匯的內(nèi)涵——包括“教育”這個(gè)概念本身的內(nèi)涵。
在美國(guó)及其他各處的新保守主義和新自由主義看來(lái)，第四次世界大戰(zhàn)即全球反恐戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)已經(jīng)進(jìn)行了一段時(shí)日。隨之而來(lái)的則有這樣幾個(gè)基本問(wèn)題：第三次世界大戰(zhàn)又是指什么？它是何時(shí)開(kāi)始的呢？它仍在進(jìn)行當(dāng)中嗎？該如何定義“勝利”二字？
為數(shù)不少的新保守主義者和新自由主義者，將第三次世界大戰(zhàn)視為不同社會(huì)制度和意識(shí)形態(tài)之間爭(zhēng)奪“心靈與思想”的全球性戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，在他們眼里，這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)大致開(kāi)始于1980年前后并持續(xù)至今。對(duì)他們而言，在資本主義面前，社會(huì)主義和共產(chǎn)主義“存在即威脅”——他們委婉地稱(chēng)之為對(duì)“民主”的威脅。新保守主義者也好，新自由主義者也好，都把這場(chǎng)發(fā)生在不同社會(huì)制度及不同意識(shí)形態(tài)間的全球性戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，看作是一場(chǎng)曠日持久的爭(zhēng)奪戰(zhàn)，不到資本主義最終取得對(duì)社會(huì)主義不可逆轉(zhuǎn)的勝利，不到西方式的政治多元化（他們將之與“民主”相提并論）取得對(duì)一黨制治理的勝利，就絕不會(huì)終結(jié)。他們清楚地懂得，社會(huì)主義建設(shè)及其對(duì)外防御所必需的人民、機(jī)制、生產(chǎn)關(guān)系和價(jià)值觀的類(lèi)型，完全不同于全球范圍內(nèi)資本主義擴(kuò)大再生產(chǎn)所必需的價(jià)值觀（極端個(gè)人主義、過(guò)度消費(fèi)、自私自利、物質(zhì)至上、急功近利等等）。
歷史上的國(guó)際教育
殖民主義和帝國(guó)主義將國(guó)際教育作為推行霸權(quán)與實(shí)施統(tǒng)治的工具由來(lái)已久。早在羅馬時(shí)代，霸權(quán)的推行不僅經(jīng)常導(dǎo)致種族滅絕，而且還遵循了“種族滅絕”一詞的始用者拉斐爾•萊姆金（波蘭籍猶太學(xué)者拉斐爾•萊姆金于1944年在其文章《軸心國(guó)統(tǒng)治下被占領(lǐng)的歐洲》中，最早創(chuàng)造了“genocide”一詞，即“種族滅絕”）所概括出的兩大階段：第一步，對(duì)鎖定為進(jìn)行種族滅絕和（或）外國(guó)統(tǒng)治目標(biāo)的族群，摧毀其“國(guó)家形式”；第二步，在實(shí)施種族滅絕和（或）霸權(quán)推行中，將殖民或帝國(guó)霸權(quán)的國(guó)家形式強(qiáng)加于其上。
即使到了現(xiàn)在，英國(guó)仍擁有一批致力于地理學(xué)、人類(lèi)學(xué)和外國(guó)語(yǔ)言學(xué)研究的頂級(jí)大學(xué)——這是因?yàn)?，相較于剛剛才悟出這個(gè)道理的美國(guó)霸權(quán)，英國(guó)的殖民和帝國(guó)強(qiáng)權(quán)早已深諳此道：當(dāng)你組織大量裝備精良的軍隊(duì)、憑借堅(jiān)固的軍事基地來(lái)對(duì)土著民族實(shí)施直接統(tǒng)治和越界占領(lǐng)時(shí)，當(dāng)?shù)厝藷o(wú)疑會(huì)十分清楚誰(shuí)是統(tǒng)治者、誰(shuí)是被統(tǒng)治者。他們還很明白：海外基地將耗費(fèi)巨大，會(huì)在自己的大本營(yíng)內(nèi)制造財(cái)政危機(jī)及其它危機(jī)；同時(shí)，海外基地一旦被潛在的充滿(mǎn)敵視情緒的原住民所包圍，將是不堪一擊的。因此，英國(guó)設(shè)置了“地區(qū)長(zhǎng)官”體系，招募本土精英（大多是具有混合血統(tǒng)并且膚色較淺的本地人）并讓他們到大學(xué)中接受培訓(xùn)，隨后再安排他們對(duì)“他們自己”的人民進(jìn)行統(tǒng)治，或協(xié)助外來(lái)強(qiáng)權(quán)實(shí)施控制；借助于這些精英所構(gòu)成的網(wǎng)絡(luò)，只需相對(duì)較少但訓(xùn)練有素的殖民行政管理人員就能有效地實(shí)現(xiàn)統(tǒng)治。如同今日之美國(guó)一樣，當(dāng)時(shí)的英國(guó)不僅鼓吹他們是世界“文明使命”的組成部分，而且把自己的政治、經(jīng)濟(jì)、文化、法律與社會(huì)體系以及價(jià)值觀作為“普世性范本”——如果哪個(gè)國(guó)家對(duì)“文明”（這種“文明”已經(jīng)被殖民和帝國(guó)強(qiáng)權(quán)定了型）的進(jìn)步報(bào)有任何方面（如水平、形式和速度等）的期待，就必須仿效這個(gè)范本。
就像今天一樣，傳教士們將身份隱藏在“國(guó)際教育人士”等各種外表和名目之下，被派出充當(dāng)種族滅絕活動(dòng)的分包商和殖民帝國(guó)霸權(quán)的急先鋒。他們所采用的典型形式，用美洲土著民族的概括說(shuō)法就是“3B體系”——圣經(jīng)（Bible）、美元（Buck）和子彈（Bullet）。首先是圣經(jīng)，與之形影相隨或緊隨其后的是商業(yè)利益，同時(shí)也少不了軍事表現(xiàn)，以便維護(hù)既得利益并進(jìn)一步介入。同公元4世紀(jì)早期在尼西亞大公會(huì)議上將基督教樹(shù)立為羅馬帝國(guó)正統(tǒng)宗教的羅馬皇帝康斯坦丁一樣，英國(guó)及其許多傳教士都明白一點(diǎn)：要想最終摧毀現(xiàn)存的原住民機(jī)構(gòu)（“國(guó)家形式”）并用另一套機(jī)構(gòu)取而代之，那么首先應(yīng)當(dāng)循序漸進(jìn)地拉攏、利用既有機(jī)構(gòu)，例如借用異教徒的禮拜日和宗教儀式，這遠(yuǎn)比直接地公開(kāi)圍剿這些東西更加奏效。這意味著，若企圖搗毀當(dāng)?shù)氐?ldquo;國(guó)家形式”，就必須先努力了解這種形式和當(dāng)?shù)孛褡逭Z(yǔ)言，并且（或者）借助于不同的面目和偽裝，雇傭、教導(dǎo)、訓(xùn)練當(dāng)?shù)厝巳シ蠲惺隆?br />
和英國(guó)一樣，美國(guó)霸權(quán)正在面向未來(lái)，尋求權(quán)謀的長(zhǎng)遠(yuǎn)推行和更為間接隱蔽的統(tǒng)治。他們已經(jīng)建起“教育交流”，引入一批從東道國(guó)或別處挑選出來(lái)的精英和具有精英潛質(zhì)的人，向其灌輸世界觀，傳授實(shí)用技能，植入符合霸權(quán)利益的信條。這些精英中的許多人受到了刻意扶植，借高等教育等各種背景鍍了“金”，從而不僅可以在一些名義上是當(dāng)?shù)氐?、本民族的?ldquo;去殖民化”的機(jī)構(gòu)中獲取和保持一定的權(quán)力地位，而且能夠作為有別于本地人的教育人士、政治家、科學(xué)家、傳教士、文化傳播者、情報(bào)人員等，以這類(lèi)身份展開(kāi)一些服務(wù)于境外勢(shì)力的活動(dòng)。
現(xiàn)實(shí)中的國(guó)際教育
外國(guó)語(yǔ)言學(xué)習(xí)與交流
隨著全球化步伐加快和廣度深度不斷擴(kuò)大，國(guó)際教育的必要性比以往任何時(shí)候都更受到重視。最偏遠(yuǎn)的民族、地區(qū)和社會(huì)形態(tài)，正在越來(lái)越快地被卷入和統(tǒng)一到一個(gè)與資本主義規(guī)則信條相適應(yīng)的動(dòng)態(tài)的全球經(jīng)濟(jì)體當(dāng)中來(lái)。在此情勢(shì)之下，一方面更多的非英語(yǔ)人群要去學(xué)習(xí)英語(yǔ)，另一方面許多以英語(yǔ)為母語(yǔ)的人也要去學(xué)習(xí)其他正在興起的有影響力的語(yǔ)言。各種項(xiàng)目和交流機(jī)構(gòu)紛紛設(shè)立，一部分的確從事著他們所公開(kāi)宣稱(chēng)的業(yè)務(wù)，但有一些卻名不副實(shí)。這些項(xiàng)目不僅事關(guān)學(xué)習(xí)不同的語(yǔ)言，而且涉及到跨文化的認(rèn)知、跨國(guó)聯(lián)系的建立。
并非所有的文化和語(yǔ)言學(xué)習(xí)交流項(xiàng)目都出自善意。在曾經(jīng)當(dāng)過(guò)“經(jīng)濟(jì)殺手”的約翰•珀金斯（他曾受雇于美國(guó)國(guó)家安全局，協(xié)助該部門(mén)誘使窮國(guó)和獨(dú)裁體制踏入在劫難逃的債務(wù)和奴役性?xún)攤葳逯校┑膸妆緯?shū)中，他談到了世界少數(shù)民族語(yǔ)文研究院（SIL International），美國(guó)一個(gè)極端保守的基督教新教會(huì)團(tuán)體，專(zhuān)事于整理研究少數(shù)民族語(yǔ)言、接近失傳的土著語(yǔ)言，并組織相關(guān)培訓(xùn)。他們與西方情報(bào)機(jī)構(gòu)簽有培訓(xùn)協(xié)議，據(jù)說(shuō)還為一些大型跨國(guó)公司例如石油公司提供培訓(xùn)，以便介入當(dāng)?shù)氐念I(lǐng)土和文化，通過(guò)向當(dāng)?shù)厝颂峁┦称?、藥品和衣物，以及將?dāng)?shù)厝诉w往教會(huì)保留地等方式，迫使或拉攏當(dāng)?shù)厝讼蛲鈬?guó)公司交出礦藏豐富的土地和資源。他們還參與圣經(jīng)的翻譯工作，譯成稀有和近乎失傳的語(yǔ)言。實(shí)際上，當(dāng)一個(gè)人學(xué)習(xí)一種新的語(yǔ)言時(shí)，學(xué)習(xí)過(guò)程中的反饋效應(yīng)會(huì)潛移默化地影響此人的思想體系，影響他對(duì)各種問(wèn)題和利益取向的觀念，因此，這時(shí)他所能接觸到、學(xué)習(xí)到的特定的語(yǔ)法、詞源、詞匯，連同那些他無(wú)從接觸到的東西，一起塑造著實(shí)用語(yǔ)言中的范例、價(jià)值觀和水平，塑造著這個(gè)學(xué)習(xí)者的立場(chǎng)觀點(diǎn)，哪怕是在他自己的文化環(huán)境中學(xué)習(xí)他自己的母語(yǔ)時(shí)也會(huì)發(fā)揮作用。
基金會(huì)、研究院和“專(zhuān)家鑒定”
諸如美國(guó)國(guó)家民主捐贈(zèng)基金會(huì)、福特基金會(huì)、洛克菲勒基金會(huì)之類(lèi)，目前各地充斥著大量老牌的或新建的全球基金會(huì)和研究院，組織國(guó)際教育交流，分發(fā)印刷精美的出版物，為貫徹帝國(guó)主義利益和意圖擔(dān)任前沿陣地（“智庫(kù)”）。它們還有能力給物色好的、中意的學(xué)者和學(xué)生們搭建發(fā)表見(jiàn)解的講壇，推廣他們的學(xué)術(shù)出版物以提高知名度，給予獎(jiǎng)金豐厚的獎(jiǎng)項(xiàng)，提供在知名學(xué)校和“智庫(kù)”的教研職位，由此建立起有益于帝國(guó)利益的各種全球工作關(guān)系和人脈。近來(lái)，這些機(jī)構(gòu)正在著眼未來(lái)，挖掘和培養(yǎng)一批年輕的學(xué)者、官員和潛在精英，這些人現(xiàn)在可以接受招募，未來(lái)可以安插到他們能夠升遷到的各自國(guó)內(nèi)職位而服務(wù)于西方國(guó)家利益。由于青年學(xué)者往往年齡不大，剛剛拿到學(xué)位卻缺少研究經(jīng)歷和著作，因此他們特別容易上鉤并受擺布——這樣他們就能得到資助來(lái)創(chuàng)作和出版學(xué)術(shù)著作，而一旦擁有了這些，青年學(xué)者將很快地在本國(guó)和境外的學(xué)術(shù)圈子里步入上升通道。青年人經(jīng)常會(huì)陷入無(wú)所適從的境地：一方面他們由于履歷平平或缺少名校學(xué)位，無(wú)法找到工作或研究職位，另一方面他們由于沒(méi)能找到合適的工作或研究機(jī)會(huì)，又不可能擁有一份沉甸甸的履歷。而這些基金會(huì)提供了一個(gè)“浮士德式的交易”（指浮士德為了追求更多知識(shí)而將靈魂獻(xiàn)給魔鬼作為交換），使他們得以立即跳出這樣的陷阱或困境。這些基金會(huì)和研究院還能夠影響國(guó)內(nèi)外的研究導(dǎo)向、內(nèi)容和應(yīng)用，并在時(shí)事評(píng)論和各項(xiàng)事務(wù)中樹(shù)立一派觀點(diǎn)。
來(lái)自西方著名教育機(jī)構(gòu)的大名鼎鼎的首席“專(zhuān)家”們，正在被引進(jìn)到外圍地區(qū)，并像其他一切商品一樣得到推銷(xiāo)。經(jīng)常會(huì)出現(xiàn)這種情況，當(dāng)你仔細(xì)去審視這些“專(zhuān)家”的作品時(shí)，尤其是在社會(huì)科學(xué)和藝術(shù)領(lǐng)域，你會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)他們的工作真的十分稀松平常，根本不比外圍地區(qū)學(xué)者正在做著的工作“先進(jìn)”到哪兒去。然而，就是存在著一種能夠打造出名牌的權(quán)力，就是有一批個(gè)人和機(jī)構(gòu)擁有這些“品牌”，這使得他們處處受到追捧和邀請(qǐng)，并形成將來(lái)可以為霸權(quán)利益效力的關(guān)系和同盟。一些外圍國(guó)家地區(qū)的青年學(xué)者久聞“專(zhuān)家”盛名（要么身為教科書(shū)或研究著作的作者，要么擁有令人驚羨的頭銜和資格認(rèn)證），他們尋求“專(zhuān)家”們的資助以照亮個(gè)人前程，他們渴望著能移民到西方國(guó)家的重鎮(zhèn)去工作，因此，在這些年輕人面前，“專(zhuān)家”們還扮演著“吸引者”“物色者”甚至是“招募者”的角色。
如今，超過(guò)5萬(wàn)家各類(lèi)非政府組織(NGOs)涉足于國(guó)際教育和交流。這些組織一般來(lái)說(shuō)只圍繞著某一特定課題，經(jīng)常是以其所關(guān)注的特殊事務(wù)或領(lǐng)域而命名。部分機(jī)構(gòu)除了成為各種西方商業(yè)和情報(bào)利益的前哨，它們還通過(guò)不同形式、程度的“分而治之”，通過(guò)制造一些“行動(dòng)已經(jīng)奏效”的假象，安撫或籠絡(luò)那些具有“進(jìn)步”思想或危害制度安全思想的人士，消解或緩和、籠絡(luò)由于單一問(wèn)題或政治方面原因的政治激進(jìn)主義。這些組織提供旅行考察的機(jī)會(huì)，提供國(guó)際會(huì)見(jiàn)、國(guó)際研究和數(shù)據(jù)庫(kù)的資源，提供見(jiàn)習(xí)機(jī)會(huì)，這樣可以在乏善可陳的簡(jiǎn)歷上增光添彩，讓人產(chǎn)生為當(dāng)代各種全球性問(wèn)題“做了些事情”的虛幻成就感。它們有時(shí)提供“內(nèi)部”和定制的專(zhuān)業(yè)學(xué)位及認(rèn)證證書(shū)，這些證書(shū)載有知名頭銜，與西方知名教育、商業(yè)和研究機(jī)構(gòu)有所往來(lái)。它們通過(guò)讓一些外圍國(guó)家地區(qū)的教育機(jī)構(gòu)、政治—經(jīng)濟(jì)機(jī)構(gòu)同西方權(quán)威機(jī)構(gòu)建立聯(lián)系和交流，立時(shí)提升了這些機(jī)構(gòu)的“可信度”，提高了其世界地位。
教科書(shū)、“文化產(chǎn)品”以及教育設(shè)備和軟件
在教科書(shū)、文學(xué)、音樂(lè)、時(shí)尚、電影、電視節(jié)目及教育等各領(lǐng)域中，為了出口相關(guān)的設(shè)備和軟件并切合當(dāng)?shù)貞?yīng)用的需要，作為帝國(guó)主義軟實(shí)力和硬實(shí)力的推行，美國(guó)及其西方盟國(guó)正在進(jìn)行并不斷升級(jí)重要的創(chuàng)新和競(jìng)爭(zhēng)。任何情況下，關(guān)于腦部科學(xué)、認(rèn)知心理學(xué)、人類(lèi)學(xué)、實(shí)驗(yàn)心理學(xué)、經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)、政治類(lèi)科學(xué)、教學(xué)法和其他規(guī)律的主要的探索成果，一切可以普遍適用和專(zhuān)用于某類(lèi)文化的切入點(diǎn)、戰(zhàn)術(shù)和機(jī)制，只要有利于說(shuō)服教育、塑造思想和開(kāi)展宣傳，都會(huì)加以吸收利用。所有這些推行軟實(shí)力和硬實(shí)力的措施，其覆蓋的內(nèi)容、范圍和深度都經(jīng)過(guò)仔細(xì)考量、精心計(jì)算并停留在思想層面上，保證控制在正當(dāng)合法的尺度內(nèi)而不觸犯法律。
這片領(lǐng)域的確算得上是一個(gè)富礦。由于很多教師和研究者確實(shí)是（或感覺(jué)到）工作強(qiáng)度很大，而這些設(shè)備和軟件被推銷(xiāo)成包裝精美、分門(mén)別類(lèi)、“尖端水平”、掛有“金字招牌”、“易于掌握運(yùn)用”、“省時(shí)省力”又綜合全面的商品，加之來(lái)自西方而被想象為“優(yōu)質(zhì)”和“先進(jìn)”產(chǎn)品，因此很容易誘使他們接納和使用這些工具，但其實(shí)只不過(guò)是帝國(guó)主義文化和利益的載體。特別是一些學(xué)業(yè)負(fù)擔(dān)繁重的年輕的研究生們，常被指派去給本科生上各種專(zhuān)業(yè)基礎(chǔ)課，他們更容易成為這些營(yíng)銷(xiāo)的目標(biāo)人群。另外，營(yíng)銷(xiāo)活動(dòng)的最慣用的伎倆之一，就是通過(guò)對(duì)設(shè)備和軟件的相關(guān)設(shè)計(jì)與定價(jià)策略，使購(gòu)買(mǎi)者對(duì)境外的關(guān)鍵性支持服務(wù)和后續(xù)進(jìn)口形成極大依賴(lài)。
時(shí)尚、音樂(lè)、文學(xué)、電影、電視節(jié)目，也被用作軟實(shí)力和硬實(shí)力的工具。隱含在其經(jīng)過(guò)精心設(shè)計(jì)的內(nèi)容、形式和具體應(yīng)用之中，一個(gè)最核心的信息就是，“外國(guó)”意味著優(yōu)等，應(yīng)當(dāng)加以效仿和追捧，而外圍民族的文化和歷史則是“劣等”的，甚至是導(dǎo)致外圍國(guó)家一切所謂“落后狀態(tài)”的所謂主要“原因”。這類(lèi)商品的生產(chǎn)帶來(lái)了可觀的出口及東道國(guó)市場(chǎng)利潤(rùn)，更重要的是，與資本主義相關(guān)聯(lián)的價(jià)值觀和文化優(yōu)勢(shì)，帝國(guó)主義霸權(quán)所推動(dòng)的大眾消費(fèi)，能夠而且現(xiàn)實(shí)地制造出了不同形式和程度的依附、奴役性債務(wù)陷阱、自主權(quán)的喪失。被“糖衣炮彈”擊中的國(guó)民，就像在都市化統(tǒng)治中心生活的各民族一樣，正在獲得這樣的認(rèn)識(shí)：當(dāng)我們以一個(gè)人“擁有”和消費(fèi)什么東西、多少東西，而不是以一個(gè)擁有物品的人這個(gè)主體，來(lái)定義“個(gè)人自由”和幸福成功時(shí)，那么這些物品，以及那些進(jìn)行推銷(xiāo)和提供融資的人，就有可能最終支配這個(gè)人。這些推行軟實(shí)力的措施十分強(qiáng)調(diào)而且強(qiáng)化了教育類(lèi)形式，因?yàn)椴簧偾嗄陮W(xué)生出于個(gè)人發(fā)展或其他原因，被異域或外國(guó)的時(shí)尚、音樂(lè)、文學(xué)、電影和電視節(jié)目所吸引；同時(shí)，他們也許貶低了自己所處的社會(huì)，認(rèn)為社會(huì)沒(méi)能重視并提供這些“文明”“進(jìn)步”的教具。
視覺(jué)、聽(tīng)覺(jué)、線(xiàn)條、影像等技術(shù)與風(fēng)格的創(chuàng)新，在范圍、深度和復(fù)雜程度各方面都與日俱增，應(yīng)用于電影、電視、音樂(lè)、文學(xué)、藝術(shù)、時(shí)尚當(dāng)中，使得“但愿長(zhǎng)夢(mèng)不愿醒”的心態(tài)以及逃避現(xiàn)實(shí)生活的疏離感越來(lái)越容易產(chǎn)生巨大的效果。影片、電視變得更加圖形化和情緒化，人們需要更新奇更刺激的輕松娛樂(lè)，而這些需求也確實(shí)得到了滿(mǎn)足。在人們欣賞電影或電視節(jié)目時(shí)，實(shí)際上這些作品運(yùn)用了很多手法來(lái)促使觀眾們產(chǎn)生“暫時(shí)拋開(kāi)一切懷疑”的念頭，而同樣的一些技術(shù)可以被用于而且也正在用于制造和培養(yǎng)其他服從于帝國(guó)主義利益的信念。設(shè)計(jì)這樣的技術(shù)，不僅是為了方便灌輸，也不僅僅是用當(dāng)?shù)匚幕痪邆涞牡湫偷?ldquo;異域”風(fēng)情吸引和挑逗觀眾，而是要對(duì)被視作帝國(guó)主義擴(kuò)張之障礙的當(dāng)?shù)匚幕右郧治g，并最終將其摧毀到失去個(gè)性識(shí)別度。
結(jié) 語(yǔ)
眾所周知，如果有可能的話(huà)，美國(guó)及其同盟者們將越來(lái)越避免硬實(shí)力的表現(xiàn)形式，避免對(duì)境外領(lǐng)土的實(shí)際侵占與控制。當(dāng)?shù)搅擞矊?shí)力非上不可的時(shí)候，美國(guó)的霸權(quán)集團(tuán)正在發(fā)展更為靈活、敏捷、簡(jiǎn)潔、“巧妙”卻是致命的武器和部署能力，而不是從實(shí)體上占領(lǐng)和管理大面積的境外領(lǐng)土。出于上文所述的原因及其他原因，它們?cè)絹?lái)越重視發(fā)展形式異常復(fù)雜的軟實(shí)力以及推行運(yùn)用軟實(shí)力的手段。不過(guò)，帝國(guó)主義的軟實(shí)力推行絕非真的那么富有“柔性”和非強(qiáng)制性。如果我們將“強(qiáng)制”定義為一種力量，這種力量可以獲得贊同或者是迫使某人在不知情不自愿的情況下按照他人意愿行事，那么軟實(shí)力這種形式，特別是當(dāng)它被開(kāi)發(fā)運(yùn)用到發(fā)揮人們潛意識(shí)的作用，運(yùn)用到對(duì)信息予以制約和塑造，從而促使某人按照他人意愿和利益行事時(shí)，這種隱蔽性的強(qiáng)制權(quán)力同樣是具有極大強(qiáng)制性的。
帝國(guó)主義軟實(shí)力的目標(biāo)，就在于維護(hù)和壯大其社會(huì)模式的特征、價(jià)值、信條和利益，使這種模式作為所有國(guó)家效仿的一種普世性范例，若是這樣無(wú)法得逞，再以公開(kāi)強(qiáng)硬的武力相威脅，陷這些國(guó)家于持續(xù)的危險(xiǎn)之中。隨著世界性危機(jī)的發(fā)生，以及帝國(guó)霸權(quán)被內(nèi)部不斷發(fā)酵的財(cái)政危機(jī)和社會(huì)—文化—政治衰落逼入死胡同，軟實(shí)力和硬實(shí)力這兩種力量形式的推行似乎都更加不計(jì)后果、孤注一擲。擁有和攫取得越多，就必須喪失得越多。帝國(guó)霸權(quán)的推行，無(wú)論對(duì)受害者來(lái)說(shuō)，還是對(duì)霸權(quán)推行者來(lái)說(shuō)，都經(jīng)常伴隨著比地震和颶風(fēng)更具災(zāi)難性的后果；同時(shí)，它如同地震和颶風(fēng)一樣，盡管目前還無(wú)法徹底消除，但卻可以去認(rèn)識(shí)、去了解。正是通過(guò)了解這些霸權(quán)施行的本質(zhì)、起源、途徑、措施和意圖，那些作為其對(duì)象和目標(biāo)的國(guó)民才能最大程度地保護(hù)自己的文化、社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)和政治法律體系，使其免遭逐步的破壞、侵蝕以至最終顛覆，維持自治、自決和獨(dú)立。
此文譯自英文國(guó)際期刊《國(guó)際思想評(píng)論》（International Critical Thought)2011年第1卷第1期（2011年5月倫敦出版），作者為北美洲印第安人黑鷹族后裔，現(xiàn)任美國(guó)克拉克大學(xué)經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)和地理學(xué)教授。
International Education and Imperial Penetration, Co-optation and Control.
By James Craven/Oomahkohkiaaiipooyii
Introduction
The historically generated and globalized systems of colonialism and neo-colonialism, as in the cases of imperialism and neo-imperialism, carry common denominators (nouns colonialism and imperialism) because they have some fundamental features in common. They also have some features that are different—hence the adjective “neo” differentiating them from the classical forms. What they all have in common is that they are all systems that belong to specific historical periods, and, they all involve control, domination and exploitation of some regions, nations and peoples by others. Each type of system incorporates specific, historically determined, dynamic, formulae or algorithms, of direct and indirect, levels, structures and specific forms, of both hard and soft power. The strategic goals of colonial and imperial powers involve penetration, control, domination and exploitation of nations, regions and peoples of the “peripheries” for the benefit of the policies and expanded reproduction of the metropolitan colonizing or imperial power centers.
Classical colonialism and imperialism historically, have involved the more direct and physical penetration, taking, settling, holding and ongoing control of foreign territory through both distant and localized projections and transmissions of hard power; with some, but few, forms of soft power to follow. Generally neo-colonialism and neo-imperialism, involve projections of more indirect, and “softer” forms of power (economic, political, legal and cultural) from more distant bases transmitted through “dependent” and “captive” localized institutions and elites, with threats of hard power (overt military and covert operations) projections at the ready and certainly used when needed.
Even with decreasing costs of transport and communications globally, imperial powers prefer the more distant and softer forms of power (the “velvet glove”) over the more direct, localized and overtly brutal forms of hard power (the “iron fist”). This is not only due to the fact that imperial overreach and high costs of standing foreign bases and settlements overseas create fiscal and other crises within and throughout the metropolitan colonial and imperial centers, but, also, because the contradictions are more intense and naked, and the real exploitative nature and real winners and losers of imperial or colonial rule, are much clearer and naked with the more direct and brutal forms of hard power projections. The inevitable “collateral damage” on non-combatants that comes inexorably with hard power projections often serve to recruit rather than dampen, resistance to foreign domination and is not consistent with winning “hearts and minds” in the peripheries.
Another factor in the increasing use of “soft power”, with international education at the forefront, is that the technologies of more indirect, covert, subliminal and softer forms of coercion, influence, “education” and persuasion are increasingly sophisticated , harder to detect, and, more effective, as they allow and facilitate the exploited to more directly, and even “voluntarily”, participate in their own exploitation. As the martyred South African freedom fighter Steve Biko put it: “The most potent weapon of the oppressor is the mind of the oppressed.” And as Johann Wolfgang von Goethe put it: “None are more hopelessly enslaved as those who falsely believe they are free.”
At the core of the production functions of all social formations, and of both hard and soft power and the goals of their application , is education including international forms. Education provides the technical skills and personnel with expertise needed to develop the technologies of both hard and soft power as well as the most effective means for their global projections. Education sets the frames for what we are prepared to use our senses to discover (worthy versus unworthy topics) or even consider. Education shapes the prisms (paradigms) through which we use our senses, decide what of the data gathered by our senses we are likely to accept and reject, and, what sources and what “authorities” we are prepared to access, accept or reject. Education shapes how we see ourselves and our own socioeconomic and politico-legal systems relative to how we see others and their respective systems. Education shapes our views of what is sacred and what is taboo. Education shapes our views of history and which ‘aspects of our own history or the histories of others are worthy of focus and consideration. Education shapes our view of what is science and scientific method and how they are conducted and applied. Education shapes what we take to be our dominant “culture”, values, and imperatives of survival and expanded reproduction of the systems we live under. Education provides the incomes for mass consumption as well as the tastes and preferences shaping what we consume; and what we choose or are induced and/or seduced to consume, both reflects and shapes, our dominant values as well as what we need to produce, how to produce it, and, for whom, production and resource allocations shall take place. Education teaches what words are worth knowing and using and which not; and education shapes what words mean or do not mean—including the concept of “education” itself.
According to the neoconservatives (NC) and neoliberals (NL) in the U.S. and elsewhere, World War IV, the global war against terrorism, has been underway for some time. That begs some fundamental questions: What was or is World War III? When did it begin? Is it still underway? How is “victory” defined?
Many of the neoconservatives, and neoliberals too, see World War III as a global war between systems and ideologies for “Hearts and Minds”; and, according to them, it has been underway since around 1980. According to these forces, socialism and communism are “existential threats” to capitalism and what they euphemistically call “democracy”. The neoconservatives and neoliberals too, see this global war between systems and their respective ideologies as a long and protracted one that will only end with the final and irreversible “triumph” of capitalism over socialism, and Western-style political pluralism , which they equate with “democracy” over single-party rule. They understand very well that the types of people, institutions, relations, and values necessary for socialist construction and its defense are very different than those necessary for the “social capital” and expanded reproduction of capitalism on a global scale (ultra-individualism, mass consumerism, selfishness, materialism, inability to delay gratification , get-rich-quick, etc).
International Education in History
The use of International education by colonial and imperial powers as an instrument of power projection and rule has a long history. Even in Roman times, colonial and imperial power projections and intentions not only often brought with them genocide , but followed the two fundamental phases of genocide outlined by the originator of the word “genocide”, Polish Jurist Raphael Lemkin: 1) destruction of the “national pattern” of the groups targeted for genocide and/or foreign control over; 2) imposition of the national pattern of the colonial or imperial power conducting the genocide and/or power projections.
Even today, some of the top universities specializing in geography, anthropology and foreign languages are found in Great Britain as the British colonial and imperial powers understood what the U.S. Imperium is only beginning to understand: that when you have direct rule and occupation of foreign territory by large numbers of well-armed foreigners, in fortified military bases with extra-territorial powers over indigenous peoples, it makes it very clear to the locals who are the rulers and who are the ruled. They also understood that overseas bases can be costly, can generate fiscal and other crises in the home metropolitan social formations, and, when surrounded by potentially hostile indigenous populations, are highly vulnerable to attack. So the British set up the “D.C” or “District Commissioner” system where only a relatively few highly trained colonial administrators ruled through networks of local elites (mostly mixed-race and lighter-skinned indigenous persons) recruited and trained in the universities of the colonial and imperial powers, trained and installed to rule and aid in the projections colonial and imperial power over “their own” people. The British, like the U.S. today, not only preached they were part of a global “civilizing mission”, but projected their own political, economic, cultural, legal and social institutions, values and systems as “universal templates”, that all nations must copy, if they were to have any hope of the levels, forms and rates of growth of “civilization” said to be modeled by the colonial and imperial powers.
Missionaries, then as today, operating under various covers and fronts, including as “international educators”, were sent in as subcontractors in genocide and front men (and women) for colonial and imperial power projections and control. They followed the typical pattern captured in the phrase common among Indigenous Peoples of the Americas: “The 3-B system” or “Bible, Buck (dollar) and Bullet”. First the Bible, accompanied or followed by commercial interests, followed by military presences (troops and support bases) to facilitate more penetration and protect that which has occurred. The British, like many of their missionaries, understood, like the Roman Emperor Constantine who established Christianity as the dominant religion of the Roman Empire at the Council of Nicaea in the early fourth century AD, that in destroying existing indigenous institutions (“national patterns”) and replacing them with others, starting with, and then gradually co-opting, the existing institutions, such as sacred pagan holidays and rituals, was far more effective in ultimately smashing them and replacing them with others than in putting them directly and openly under siege. This meant that those seeking to smash the indigenous “national patterns” had to understand them, as well as local indigenous languages and/or had to hire, indoctrinate and train locals to do their bidding for them under various fronts and disguises.
Like the British, the U.S. Imperium is looking to the future and to long-term power projections and more apparently indirect and covert rule. They have set up “educational exchanges”, bringing in selected elites and individuals with potential to become elites in their home countries or elsewhere, hungry for educational opportunities and statuses not available in their home countries, to be indoctrinated with world views, practical tools and paradigms consistent with colonial and imperial interests and their power projections. Many of these elites were specifically groomed and equipped with educational and other backgrounds that would not only allow them to capture and hold positions of power in nominally local, indigenous and “de-colonized” institutions, but also to act as educators, politicians, scientists, missionaries, carriers of culture and influence and intelligence agents against local populations, in service of foreign powers as well.
International Education Today
Foreign Language Studies and Exchanges
With the pace, scope and depth of globalization increasing daily, the imperative for international education is seen as more critical today than ever before. Increasingly, the most remote peoples, regions and social formations are being integrated and articulated within a dynamic global economy run in accordance with capitalist principles and imperatives. Not only are more non-English-speaking people under the imperative to learn English, but many English-speaking people are under the imperative to learn other emerging influential languages as well. All sorts of programs and exchanges are being set up, some actually doing what they openly claim to be doing, some not. These programs are not only about learning different languages, but are involved in cross-cultural awareness, establishing cross-border relationships and even obtaining work abroad when unemployment rates rise in some home economies.
Not all of the cultural and linguistic study and exchange programs are benign. In several of his books, former “economic hit man” (who worked for the U.S. National Security Agency helping to lure poor nations and despotic regimes into impossible-to-escape debt peonage) John Perkins discusses the Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL) now called SIL International, an ultra-conservative Christian evangelical group in the U.S. that specializes in the documentation, study of and training in rare and sometimes near-extinct Indigenous languages. They not only hold contracts to train Western intelligence services in these rare languages, they also allegedly train large transnational companies, like oil companies, to penetrate indigenous lands and cultures to force or co-opt them to turn over resource-rich lands and their resources to foreign companies by offering to move them to missionary reservations and to provide food, medicines and clothing in return for deeds to their lands. They are also involved in translations of the Bible into rare and near-extinct languages. Further, when one learns a new language, the specific constructs, terms, sources, vocabulary that one is exposed to and learns, along with those one is not exposed to and does not learn, serve to shape the paradigms, values, levels of useful knowledge and perspectives of that person learning with feedback effects on that person’s ideology, meanings of words and perspectives on various issues and interests even when operating in his or her own native language and in his or her own culture.
Foundations, Institutes and “Expertise”
There is a plethora of both established and new global foundations and institutes like the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), Ford Foundation, Rockefeller Foundation, etc., that organize international education exchanges, produce and distribute glossy publications, as well as operate as fronts (“think tanks”) for imperial interests and intentions. They have the capacity to give selected and favored academics and students forums and visibility for their academic publications, provide lucrative grants, provide research and teaching positions at prestigious schools and “think tanks”, and to establish all sorts of global working relationships and friendships that may be beneficial to imperial interests. They are presently looking to the future to find and cultivate young scholars and functionaries, potential future elites that can be recruited in the present to be placed in positions where they can rise in their respective countries and serve imperial interests in the future. Young academics are especially vulnerable to approach and manipulation in that as they are often young and have recent graduate degrees but little experience or publications, they can be given assistance with generating and publishing academic publications, in the right venues, that will fast-track them to upward mobility in academia at home and abroad. The young are often caught in a “Catch-22” trap where they cannot find employment or research opportunities because their resumes are light on experience or degrees from prestigious schools, and their resumes are light because they cannot find employment or research opportunities; these foundations offer them “Faustian Bargains” that allow them to instantly escape such traps or dilemmas. These foundations and institutes are also able to influence both foreign and domestic research directions, content and applications in service of imperial paradigms and interests and to shape perspectives on the debates and issues of the times.
Leading “experts” with big names from prestigious educational institutions in the West, are brought in to the peripheries and marketed as if they were like any other commodity. Often, when one examines their work, especially in the social sciences and arts, their work is really quite pedestrian and not at all “advanced” from what scholars in the peripheries are doing. But there is the power of branding and “brand names” (individuals and institutions) that allow them to be invited and to form relationships and associations to serve imperial interests well into the future. They also act as “attractors” to and “spotters”, and even “recruiters” of young scholars of the peripheries who have heard of them by reputation as authors of texts or touted research, or as individuals with impressive titles and credentials and who seek their patronage to secure their own futures, often in the imperial centers to which they hope to emigrate, work and where increasing percentages remain. They are agents of brain drains that loot some of the most skilled and talented to the metropolitan centers of the Imperium.
All sorts of Non-governmental Organizations (NGOs), more than 50,000 today, are involved in international education and exchanges. They are generally organized around specific single issues and are often titled to show their particular issues or areas of focus. Some not only act as fronts for various Western commercial and intelligence interests, but they help to dissipate or co-opt individuals with “progressive” or system-threatening ideologies and passions with forms and levels of “divide-and-rule” and illusions of effective action that often go with, and yet dissipate or mitigate or co-opt, political activism on single-issue causes or politics. They offer opportunities for travel, for global contacts, research and data bases, for internships, to embellish meager resumes, and, to give some comfort with the illusion of “doing something” about various global issues of the times. They recruit foreign students with specialized skills (foreign languages, mathematics, science, knowledge of foreign cultures and politics, computers, etc) in subjects that the educational systems of the West simply cannot or will not equip students from the Western nations to acquire and apply. They sometimes offer “in-house” and customized academic degrees and certificates that carry prestigious titles and are associated with prestigious educational, business and research institutions in the West and abroad. The give educational and politico-economic institutions in the periphery instant “credibility” and enhanced global standings with associations and exchange programs with prestigious institutions of the Western Imperium.
Textbooks, “Culture”, and Educational Hardware and Software
In the areas of exporting and adapting to local uses, textbooks, literature, music, fashion, movies, television programs and educational and other hardware and software, as forms of imperial soft and hard power projections, the U.S. and Western allies are making and stepping-up major innovations and campaigns. In all cases, major “discoveries” in brain science, cognitive psychology, anthropology, experimental psychology, economics, political science, pedagogy and other disciplines, associated with universal, as well as culturally-specific triggers, tactics and mechanisms of persuasion and the shaping of ideologies and agenda, are being incorporated. What is carefully, calculatingly and ideologically controlled in all these instruments of soft and hard power are the allowable versus non-allowable, content, scopes and depths of coverage.
This is especially fertile ground as many teachers and researchers are, or feel, overworked, and thus hardware and software, marketed as packaged, glossy, structured, “state-of-the-art”, prestigious “brand name”, “easy-to-use-and-apply”, “labor-saving” and comprehensive, plus from the West and thus supposedly “superior” and “advanced”, are easily induced to adopt and use these tools marketed as labor-saving but in essence carriers of imperial culture and interests. Young graduate students, with heavy workloads, often assigned to teach undergraduate and foundational courses in various academic disciplines, are especially targeted by these marketing approaches. Plus, built into some of the hardware and software being exported are “backdoors” that allow surveillance of computers and their connections and applications from a distance. In addition, one of the oldest tricks in marketing is to design and price hardware and software to as to cause dependence on critical supporting services and complementary inputs from abroad.
Fashion, music, literature, movies and television programs are also used as instruments of soft and hard power. Embodied in their calculated content, forms and applications are the central message that “foreign” means superior, to be emulated and preferred, and that which is part of the culture and history of the peoples of the “peripheries” is “inferior” and, even the major alleged “cause” of any alleged “backwardness” in the nations of the peripheries. Not only are very lucrative export and domestic markets created with these types of commodities, but, in addition, the values and priorities associated with capitalism and the mass consumerism pushed by the imperial powers, can and do create forms and levels of debt peonage, dependence and loss of autonomy . People in the nations targeted by imperial interests, are learning, as are the peoples of the metropolitan centers, that when one defines “personal freedom” and prosperity in terms of what and how much one “owns” and consumes, instead of a person owning things, the things, and those who sold and financed them, may well wind up owning that person. These instruments of soft power articulate with and reinforce the forms of soft power in education as many young students, for developmental and other reasons, are attracted to “exotic” or “foreign” fashions, music, literature, movies and television and they may devalue their own societies that perceive to have failed to value and provide these trappings of “civilization” and “progress”.
Exponentially increasing—in scope, depth and sophistication---innovations in optics, audio, graphics, film technique and genres, and, the like, applied to movies, television, music, literature, art and fashion, make the “suspension of disbelief” and escape from the realities of life easier and easier to effect on a mass level. Films and television get increasingly graphic and sensational with new and more intense levels of titillation (modern versions of the Roman “bread and circus”) are being demanded and those demands met. The same technologies employed to make masses “suspend disbelief” when they go to movies or watch television can be employed and are employed to create and nurture other kinds of beliefs in service of imperial interests. They are designed not only to indoctrinate, not only to draw in and titillate audiences with the “exotic” typically not found in local cultures, they are also designed to undermine and eventually destroy beyond recognition the indigenous cultures seen as obstacles to imperial expanded reproduction.
Conclusion
By all accounts, in the U.S. and its allies, are increasingly eschewing, if possible, forms of hard power and the actual taking and holding, physically, of foreign territory. When hard power projections are necessary, the U.S. Imperium is developing more agile, rapid, flexible, precise, “smart”, transitory and lethal weapons and deployment capabilities rather than physically occupying and holding large areas of foreign territories. They are focusing more and more on developing very sophisticated forms soft power and methods of soft power projections and their applications for the reasons that have been discussed previously along with other reasons. But imperial soft power projections are not really that “soft” and non-coercive. If we define “coercion” as the force of obtaining consent or causing someone to act according to the will of others without fully informed and voluntary consent, then forms of soft power, especially when developed and applied to have subliminal effects or to limit or shape information to cause someone to act in accordance with the will and interests of others, then such power is also very coercive with its true concealed coercive powers but another coercive instrument.
The object of imperial soft power is to develop and assert the features, values, imperatives and interests of the imperial social formation as a universal template for all to emulate or to be in perpetual peril (subject to move overtly hard and coercive forms of power) with the failure to do so. With global crises and imperial powers increasingly cornered with mounting internal fiscal crises and socio-cultural-political decay, both the forms of soft and hard power projections are likely to be more reckless and desperate; the more one has and has acquired, the more one has to lose. Imperial power projections, like earthquakes and hurricanes, often with even more disastrous effects on both the victims and power projectors alike than those of hurricanes and earthquakes, cannot be stopped at present but can be understood. And it is in understanding their nature, origins, methods, instruments and intentions that those who are the objects and targets of these power projections can best protect themselves and their own sovereignty , self-determination, independence, cultures and socio-economic and politico-legal systems from gradual sabotage , erosion and eventual overthrow .